Germany’s Electric Vehicle (EV) dilemma

Why the coming electric vehicle revolution threatens to up-end the entire German economic model

While Germany has long been admired as a leader in the clean energy transformation, notably for its package of energy policies termed the “energiewende”, the reality is that German industries have often born the brunt of these changes as have the tax payers. However, while Germany was able to absorb the hits to Siemens, RWE and Eon resulting from power sector reforms, the challenge posed by Electric Vehicles is altogether more serious. In this article I want to outline why, without a major new strategic plan, the global shift towards electric vehicles may not only up-end the entire German automotive industry, but transform the German economy as a whole.

First thing to note is how fast the Global EV market is growing:

It is hard to underestimate just how flat-footed policymakers have been, as have industry analysts, in predicting the uptake of electric vehicles. In fact, the growth has been so rapid that the International Energy Agency (IEA) revised up its original estimates for Global EV demand, such that The EV30@30 Scenario sees 228 million EVs (excluding two- and three-wheelers), mostly Light duty vehicles, in the global fleet by 2030. To contextualise this figure, the current light duty vehicle market is estimated at around 1.2bn, therefore EV’s will account for roughly 20% of global vehicles within the next 12 years[1].

Image 1

In 2013 the world had less than 500,000 EVs on the roads. By 2017 this number had reached 3 million. To reach the IEA target (which many believe is still conservative), the Global EV market will have to grow by an average of more than 12 million sales per year. But that doesn’t look unrealistic, given that the current EV market is growing by between 40%-60% per annum.

Image 2

But that number doesn’t tell the whole story. Current EV growth is not evenly distributed, rather it is heavily skewed towards a few key economies, with China accounting for 50% of Global EV demand, followed by the USA, then Norway[2].

Image 3

Car companies can see the threat:

Whatever your personal views on Elon Musk, it is hard to argue that Tesla has not been a huge driver in explaining why global automotive companies are increasingly focusing on the EV space. As Forbes noted in its summary on the market in 2018:

“Porsche aims at making 50% of its cars electric by 2023. JLR has announced it will shift entirely towards electric and hybrid vehicles by 2020. General Motors, Toyota and Volvo have all declared a target of 1 million in EV sales by 2025. By 2030, Aston Martin expects that EVs will account for 25% of its sales, with the rest of its line up comprising hybrids. By 2025, BMW has stated it will offer 25 electrified vehicles, of which 12 will be fully electric. The Renault Nissan & Mitsubishi alliance intends to offer 12 new EVs by 2022.[3]

However, while manufacturers see the need to pivot towards EV’s they need domestic infrastructure and demand to drive that growth. This is why Germany has a problem.

The German economy literally begins and ends with cars:

The German economic model is based on exports. Germany remains the World’s largest exporter, running a trade surplus in excess of 6% of GDP, and as of 2016, Cars represented 12.3% of the total exports of Germany, followed by Vehicle Parts, which account for 4.63%[4]. To put this another way, according to the German Trade and Investment (GTAI) association, the automotive industry accounted for 10% of German GDP in 2016[5].

Image 4

Source: OEC, 2018[6]

The German car industry also explains the unique model of the German economy. Due to the highly specialised demands of traditional, internal combust engine (ICE) vehicles, automotive manufacturers have traditionally required an extensive range of specialist suppliers. This has not only helped to create the famous German “Mittlestand”, but also to sustain it. This has been essential to ensuring a distribution of wealth and job opportunities across Germany and as a result, the German automotive industry employed 825,500 people in 2018, generating a turnover of Eur 423bn and sustaining over 940 German businesses from OEM’s to parts suppliers.

But EVs are very different. By some estimates, a regular ICE vehicle has around 2,000 moving parts requiring exactly the specialists that Germany have. By contrast, EVs have 20[7]. This dramatic change is estimated to put at least 75,000 German jobs at risk in the car powertrain sector alone, according to research by the Fraunhofer institute[8] (up to 100k if the switch was faster than modelled). But as if losing 10% of the workforce alone wasn’t a concern, the other issue is that future car models won’t make sense to build in Germany at all.

Car manufacturing is driven by domestic demand:

Germany remains a minnow in the Global EV demand scene. It was only ranked 4th in Europe in 2016, and barely scraped 2nd place by new EV sales in 2017.

Image 5To add insult to injury, there were only 28,000 EVs in Germany as of 2016 (from over 2 million globally) and[9] even worse, the most popular EV in Germany isn’t even one of the multiple German brands, its Kia[10].

Image 6

It is perhaps unsurprising then, that given Germanys considerable lag in entering the EV space, a number of leading German manufacturers have decided that they cannot compete with the lead that competitors have built up in parts of the new automotive supply chain. In a particularly embarrassing blow for German Industry, Bosch, “Germany’s biggest and most important supplier of car components[11]”, ruled in March 2018 that it wouldn’t even try and compete with the Chinese and Korean firms that dominate the manufacturing of batteries for electric vehicles[12].

Image 7So what does this mean?

It is clear that Germany has a formidably capable and resourceful industrial base. But it is also clear that the transformation of the EV market has caught Germany’s leading companies badly off-guard. Despite widespread anticipation that German car companies would easily and rapidly overtake Tesla, the initial feedback from the first wave of “Tesla killers” has been disappointing[13].

Time has not run out on Germany to adapt to the disruptive forces roiling the global automotive sector. But Germany is starting from far-behind and the stakes are high. A failure to adapt could mean more than job losses and faltering economic growth. It could mean an end to the German “Mittlestand” and the economic engine that built the modern Germany. What that means in a time of populist politics should give all German politicians pause for serious concern.

 

References

[1] IEA, 2018, https://webstore.iea.org/registerresult/1?returnurl=%2fdownload%2fdirect%2f1045%3ffilename%3dglobal_ev_outlook_2018.pdf

[2] EV sales, 2018, http://www.ev-volumes.com/

[3] Forbes, 2018, https://www.forbes.com/sites/sarwantsingh/2018/04/03/global-electric-vehicle-market-looks-to-fire-on-all-motors-in-2018/#62970a12927f

[4] OEC, 2018, https://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/profile/country/deu/#Exports

[5] GTAI, 2018, https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=2&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwjQjrrMotLdAhWJTt8KHXqQDgAQFjABegQIBRAC&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.gtai.de%2FGTAI%2FContent%2FEN%2FInvest%2F_SharedDocs%2FDownloads%2FGTAI%2FIndustry-overviews%2Findustry-overview-automotive-industry-en.pdf&usg=AOvVaw1MoymuoslNxq8CGePOtmYu

[6] OEC, 2018, https://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/visualize/stacked/hs92/export/deu/all/show/1995.2016/

[7] Cnbc, 2018, https://www.cnbc.com/2016/06/14/electric-vehicles-will-soon-be-cheaper-than-regular-cars-because-maintenance-costs-are-lower-says-tony-seba.html

[8] Autonews, 2018, http://europe.autonews.com/article/20180605/ANE/180609877/ev-push-threatens-75000-german-auto-industry-jobs-study-says

[9] EV sales, 2017, http://www.ev-volumes.com/country/germany/

[10] Cleantechnica, 2018, https://cleantechnica.com/2018/05/19/shocking-electric-car-takes-1-in-germanys-april-2018-electric-car-sales-ranking/

[11] The Verge, 2018, https://www.theverge.com/2018/8/15/17685634/germany-car-industry-battery-cells

[12] GTM, 2018, https://www.greentechmedia.com/articles/read/bosch-abandons-ev-battery-manufacturing

[13] FT, 2018, https://www.ft.com/content/3f5ded00-bd7d-11e8-8274-55b72926558f

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Brexit remains the right choice for Britain

On the 21st of February 2016 I publicly advocated for the UK electorate to vote leave in the UK’s referendum on continued membership of the European Union. Between that time and the night of the referendum, I campaigned constantly for the campaign to leave the European Union, with my final public plea published on the 21st of June 2016. On the 23rd of June 2016, 17.4 million UK nationals voted to leave the European Union; a majority of 52%.

Since that time friends and acquaintances have often asked me if I made a mistake. More importantly, many of those who listened to my views during the Brexit campaign, and who voted Leave subsequently, asked me if they have made a mistake. It is for those who listened to me and who followed my guidance that I say this clearly: Brexit remains the right choice for Britain.

Brexit myths:

I want to start by dispelling some Brexit myths that have built up since the referendum.

Firstly, I want to dispel you of the notion that the UK government is doing nothing, has developed no plans, no ideas or serious proposals for how to implement Brexit. The UK has issued extensive strategies, contingencies and proposals to work alongside the EU that cover atomic energy, a new EU trade deal, EU citizens’ rights, Northern Ireland, existing judicial proceedings, law & securityscience and innovation, Data protection for UK & EU citizens, advice for UK citizens living in the EU, advice for EU citizens living in the UKguidance on trucking, on aviation, and so on. The UK has also guaranteed UK organisations all funding they would have received from the EU until 2020 (when the EU budget was due to end anyway). When people read in the papers that the UK has done nothing and has no plan, you need to understand that this is a tactic not a description of reality.

It suits the EU negotiators to refuse to engage with the UK, to run down the clock and ignore proposals. This includes the use of technology on Northern Ireland’s border, which the EU’s own investigation showed was a feasible and practical solution. Smart and sensible ideas are being ignored by EU negotiators as part of the EU’s negotiating tactics. These tactics are brilliantly described by Yanis Varoufakis in his book on how the EU ignored extremely detailed, expertly modelled and internationally supported Greek proposals during their debt renegotiation with the EU in 2015.  In short, ignoring sensible suggestions to force an ultimatum is a tried and tested EU tactic, along with leaking and selectively quoting private conversations. This is normal and should be expected. Importantly, it should be understood that the EU is trying to create a narrative that the UK is unprepared, but this is only a cleverly fabricated narrative. It is not grounded in facts.

Secondly, I want to emphasise that the existential challenges at the heart of the European Union, namely its democratic deficit, its growing illiberal tendencies, and the failure of the EU principle of solidarity, remain unresolved. As the famous pro-European, Hungarian philosopher Ivan Krastev recently noted, the EU’s continued failure to resolve the bloc’s divisions on immigration is straining the solidarity of members and even their adherence to the EU’s Human Rights Act. The rejection of drowning refugees by Italy is one recent example of this, and Hungary’s recent anti-migrant act is another. Moreover, despite the best efforts of strongly pro-European individuals, such as Guy Verhofstadt and Emmanuel Macron, to warn of Europe’s need for reform, the only concession that has been granted to these voices has been the creation of a small EU budget (separate from the EU commission budget). However, even this proposal is less progressive than it seems, because of a German-imposed requirement for funds to be linked to acceptance of migrants, thus immediately reducing funding to countries in Eastern Europe and increasing Germany’s receipts of EU funds.

Thirdly, while it has been popular for commentators to accuse people who voted Brexit of being racist and suggesting that the country wishes to revert to a little England mentality, the facts do not support their narrative. While Austria, Hungary, Italy and Poland discuss plans for an “anti-migrant Axis”, recent polling data from June 2018, shows that UK public attitudes towards immigration in the UK were more positive than at any time since 2011, a stunning rebuke to the initial rise in hate crime that immediately followed Brexit[1].

Brexit migrants FT

Brexit migrants eurobarometer 1Brexit migrants eurobarometer 2

It is also important to dispel another Brexit myth that if the referendum were to be held again today the result would be different. The data proves otherwise. As of December 2017, polling from YouGov showed that 55% of the UK public thought that Brexit should happen, regardless of their original view on the referendum. Recent data all indicates a similar result. None of which is to say the current British government is doing a great job. It is plain for the British public to see that they are not.

Building a better Britain:

Rebuffing growing misinformation is vital, but the backbone of my belief in Brexit is distinct from these arguments. I believe in Brexit for the following reasons:

I believe Brexit remains the right choice for Britain because I believe it allows us to build a trade policy that is fairer to the British people, delivering better economic outcomes. While the US, Chinese and Indian economies boom, the UK is locked into a customs union with the slowest growing economic area on earth. As of 2017, 15 out of Britain’s top 25 trading export partners are from outside the EU, and 11 of those (including US, India, China, Australia, Japan and Canada) accounted for 36.4% of all UK exports. These trading relationships relied on the dreaded WTO rules. Amusingly, Canada has confirmed that the UK could have enhanced free trade access from the first day of Brexit. They will not be alone[2].

Brexit economies

I believe Brexit will also make Britain’s immigration policy fairer. For immigration it remains fundamentally unjust that a doctor, engineer or an experienced entrepreneur will find it harder to work in the UK if they come from the USA, Canada, Chile, Japan or Colombia than an 18-year-old from France, Estonia, Portugal or Austria. Moreover, despite having a free-movement area with the EU, data from the UN overwhelmingly shows that British citizens would rather live in Australia, Canada and the USA than any country in Europe[3]. UN data shows that more Brits have chosen to live in Australia than all of Western Europe combined.

UK immigrants

Brexit allows the UK to correct these imbalances and create an immigration system based on reciprocity that allows British citizens to live and work where they actually are trying to go, whilst building trade bridges with nations that are growing. Dynamic ideas to addressing these opportunities of new immigration systems and free trade deals include the potential of the UK joining regional free trade groupings such as NAFTA and the TPP, while others have also floated the idea of a new Australia, Canada, New Zealand UK free trade zone (CANZUK). I would suggest that the UK should explore new trade and visa options with dynamic regional markets such as the Pacific Alliance in Latin America too.

Lastly, I believe in Brexit because of the phenomenal role it has played in restoring British democracy. While the traditional major political parties in France, Germany, Italy, Austria, Greece, Spain and the Netherlands have almost all collapsed, or seen their share of the vote significantly cut, the British main parties have rebounded to their highest combined share of the vote in almost 30 years. It is not hard to see why. In the 2000’s Europe grew up with a political obsession for “middle-way” politics, a convenient euphemism for technocratic governance and offering voters no real choice. It was common to hear the refrain “they are all the same”, and why bother voting? The electorate didn’t see the point in voting, and UK voter turnout fell below 70% for the first time since the advent of universal franchise. It appears that if people are not offered a chance to vote for what matters to them, they turn to parties that will offer them that choice. Across Europe the radical left and fascist right-wing parties have surged. Many of them are now in government. Brexit has stopped all of this. The far-right is almost entirely annihilated in polling (with the only revival recently due to the risk of a soft Brexit), the Labour party is the largest political movement in Europe and the UK’s election turnout is at its highest in over 20 years.

Closing Comments:

Before I finish, I also want to address the recent news surrounding Brexit. It is clear that the Conservative cabinet is deeply divided by it, but reassuringly so is the nation and so are the Labour party. It can seem concerning to see bickering at a public level from the Cabinet, but the very fact that there are disagreements and strongly held views attests to the fact that the current UK government is reflecting a broader sway of stakeholder interests than it is credited with. The current UK white paper is a demonstration of this. While ensuring the UK leaves the Single Market and the Customs Union, it also ensures that the UK regulatory framework is aligned on goods with the EU so that businesses do not face disruption. Clearly this deal does not suit all parties, but this is the point of compromise.

The resignations of Boris Johnson and David Davis are less controversial than the press would like them to be. The fact that they were staggered suggests an attempt to avoid triggering a crisis of confidence and a leadership challenge, as has been affirmed by David Davis. Secondly, it leaves Theresa May free to pursue a plan she believes in without cabinet members who do not endorse that plan. The greater risk does not come from the resignations but rather any further attempts by naïve and reckless cabinet members like Phillip Hammond to pretend that the Conservatives can repeal Brexit and escape without being destroyed and permanently dividing the nation. As the FT recently put it, the Conservative party is the party of Brexit.

It is easy to become disheartened by Brexit when the headlines often seem full of gloom, but it is important to take a step back. For every well-timed fear story like the Airbus threat to leave the UK, there are stories like Boeing committing to further UK spending and Australia awarding BAE UK massive defence export contracts. For every threat of jobs leaving London, like the 5,000 threatened finance roles, there are new commitments by companies like Facebook to employ up to 800 new staff, with office space for 6,000. The news will always try to showcase a clickbait headline, but if you can, try and ignore the noise.

Lastly we should not be afraid of a “no-deal Brexit”. Such an event would cost the EU over £100 billion, creating a continent wide recession, with the most severe impact being felt in Ireland and Germany. Given the growing anger and division in Europe over the increased EU contributions required by the EU’s wealthier states (Germany’s contribution will increase 16%) and how the shortfall in funding should be addressed, combined with the on-going battles over asylum, immigration and law & order, the EU would be suicidal to refuse to offer concessions in the face of a ‘no deal’. The path has been challenging and we are not out of the woods yet, so one should steel one’s nerves and prepare to witness continued anti-Brexit campaigning right until the eleventh hour. Just remember – Brexit is the best choice for the future of Britain.

 

 

[1] For further great information and graphics on how the UK is considerably more tolerant towards immigration than the majority of EU members, check out the Eurobarometer scores from April 2018: https://ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/news/results-special-eurobarometer-integration-immigrants-european-union_en

[2] There has been a significant effort by the EU to scare Britons about the challenges of trading from outside the single market and relying on WTO rules. Lets put this in context: The EU’s average tariff rate for countries like the US, Canada, etc, was 2.3% on goods as of 2013 (spoiler: it has not increased since), while for cars the EU recently proposed reducing global car tariffs to zero. While many organisations have highlighted the importance of non-tariff barriers, i.e. different product rules & standards, it is worth noting that batteries (for electric vehicles), micro-chips for phone, computers and tablets, as well as basic raw materials, all enter the EU from non-EU members. In short it may increase some short term costs, but accessing a broader array of markets will make UK goods more competitive as further free trade deals are signed.

[3] To put this into context, as of 2017 the UN estimated that there were 3.8 million UK expats across the world. The largest EU locations for British nationals were Spain (308,872), Ireland (278,000 people), France (188,000), Germany (103,700) and Italy (72,000). Many of which are retired and not of working age. In the Anglosphere the largest locations were Australia (1,351,846), USA (748,206), Canada (624,411) and New Zealand (272,071).

The cynicism is unjustified – Hydrogen is the key to a clean transport future

The world’s largest free trade deal fundamentally re-shaped the future of Transportation – and no one noticed.

In December of 2017, the EU and Japan announced that they had agreed the terms of a vast international free trade deal. The deal, still subject to final approvals in the EU and from the Japanese diet, will create a combined economic free trade area of 600mn people worth 30% of GDP. But while the focus has been on the changes to agriculture, sustainability and regulatory alignment, a key provision has slipped almost unnoticed from the public eye. A regulatory drawbridge for hydrogen vehicles has been created.

In one of the most startling changes, barely noticed by the press, the EU have been allowed to sell hydrogen cars straight into the Japanese market, bypassing stringent legislation for Japanese specialist steel and labelling standards. In addition, the EU has agreed that “Furthermore, EU manufacturers that are not yet as far advanced in the development of this technology of the future can, thanks to the specific and much lighter conditions, import hydrogen fueled cars for testing and validation purposes and use the Japanese infrastructure of hydrogen filling stations to fine-tune their cars.”

Why does this matter? It matters because (arguably) the world’s most technologically advanced nation has bet big that the future of transportation will be Hydrogen and it is now luring all the world’s largest automakers to build out their R&D and manufacturing within Japan.

Hydrogen cars:

In 2020, Japan will host the Olympic games and the vehicles of those games will be hydrogen fueled. The aim is to put 40,000 hydrogen fuel cell vehicles (HFCVs) onto the roads by 2020, including over 160 charging spots. However global current sales of HFCVs are low, with only 1,600 sold in H1 of 2017. In part this is because the vehicle selection remains limited and the cheapest versions…are not that cheap. As a result, there are no shortage of critics. Elon Musk is famous for deriding the chances of hydrogen vehicles, a view widely shared amongst the lithium battery bulls.  However, with its ability to re-charge a car in under 5 minutes and its exceptional long range, the battle for vehicle dominance is far from over.

In only 5 years’ the global electric vehicle fleet has risen from ~50k cars to over 2mn worldwide, driven by government subsidies and falling costs as production increased. Analysts believe those same drivers could transform the hydrogen market too. In early 2017, Honda and GM announced targets for mass production of HFCVs by 2020, while Toyota, Honda, Hyundai, BMW and Daimler have committed $10.7 billion into research and development of hydrogen-based products over the next five years. There are now even a range of apps that can show you all the planned and current Hydrogen re-fueling points, like this one.

Granted, I am a confessed Hydrogen fan and have been so for a while. So in the interests of fairness, I also leave an attached rebuttal of the case for Hydrogen cars here, though it is a little dated. But regardless of whether Hydrogen will transform the light vehicle car market, there are plenty of other sectors where Hydrogen technology is likely to transform our transportation system.

De-carbonizing transport:

Depending on the source, transportation accounts for between 14% and 23% of global greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs). This sector is also growing rapidly, as aspiring middle class citizens seek to travel more and to own their own forms of transport. Ride-sharing, urbanization and automated driving all offer potential avenues in the longer term, however poor urban planning, under-educated regulators and significant cost challenges will ensure that these solutions are unable to meaningfully reduce emissions until 2040 if not later. Moreover, they only deal with the simplest solution of all, light duty vehicles.

Using IEA estimates from the Global Tracking framework, a joint World Bank and IEA publication, global renewable transport numbers remain a significant concern for efforts to de-carbonise the global energy system. According to the IEA, Electric vehicles must reach 160mn by 2030 to meet the 2 degrees target set at Paris and over 200mn to reach the below 2 degrees target. In other words, the world has to manufacture and sell at least 158mn EVs in 13 years globally, mostly fueled by clean electricity and with sufficient grid infrastructure to handle re-charging.

Achieving the Paris commitments for light duty electric vehicles alone should put pause to the idea that we can electrify shipping, aviation, rail and heavy freight with batteries as well meeting the Paris commitments for electric light duty vehicles. The only credible alternatives are hydrogen, LNG or CNG.

Compare and contrast: the new Tesla truck with the Nikola Two. The Tesla truck will have a maximum range of 300-500 miles and will require 30 minutes of full charge to add 400miles. It will also require the equivalent demand from the grid of 3,000 – 4,000 UK homes when it is charging. That is per truck…In contrast, the Nikola Two can cover 800 – 1,200 miles with a 15 minute re-fuel time. The bigger brother of the Nikola Two, the Nikola One, has similar statistics but has received $2.3bn in pre-orders, totaling over 8k. Nikola isn’t the only company in the field either. Toyota has its own project, called “Project portal”, while Kenworth is examining HFCV options as well.

Looking at the aviation space, Hydrogen fuel cell planes have already been developed and successfully tested, including the HY4 passenger craft. The plane already has a range of 1,500 kilometers and expansions for a 19 passenger plane are underway. By contrast, experts from WIRED estimated that electric batteries will take until 2045 to have a commercially viable battery plane available. Even in the smaller plane segment, the current record distance set for an EV plane is 300 miles in a two seater plane, largely modelled on a glider technology.

In freight, Alstrom and Hydrogenics already have tested Hydrogen on trains in Germany, while Ontario is looking at Hydrogen trains to replace the current rolling stock on the GO rail network. Aside from promoting local businesses, the trains are almost silent and emit none of the harmful particles associated with diesel or other fuel sources. There clearly will remain a role for electrification of urbanized rail, but even in a small landmass like the UK, the costs of electrifying entire train lines have forced planners to move towards mixed fuel and electrification trains. In this regard, Hydrogen is likely to compliment electrification for long distance commuter trains. The UK is already considering this option.

Then we have shipping. The maritime industry is one of the worst sources of pollution in coastal cities, with cities like Hong Kong calculating that 50% of all locally produced air pollution comes from the maritime industry. In Norway, parts of Canada and the USA, various attempts to introduce LNG bunkering have produced significant results in reducing maritime emissions, with Vice estimating 20% less CO2 emissions per ship, but hydrogen is likely to be the next major frontier. So far both Viking Cruises and Royal Caribbean have committed to procuring hydrogen powered ships, while Norway’s Fiskerstrand Holding AS is building a hydrogen ferry and the Port of San Francisco is mulling a $5mn investment in a Hydrogen fueling station. They are unlikely to be the last movers.

But perhaps the most surprising thing about Hydrogen now is its wider application in more niche services. For Amazon, hydrogen fuel cells have allowed the firm to revolutionize its warehousing forklifts, so much so that the company invested $70mn into a fuel cell company called Plug Power, while Walmart reacted with its own investment of $80mn in the same firm. Why? Well according the leading US body NREL, hydrogen fuel cell forklifts are at least 10% cheaper than alternatives over a 10 year investment. But the effect is not limited to forklifts. Amazon now uses Hydrogen powered drones in its warehouses to monitor inventory. With a flight time of two hours, compared to 30 minutes for a comparable electric powered drone, Pincs aerial drones offer savings of up to 5% of the total inventory stock.

Final comments:

On our current global trajectory there is almost zero chance of the world reaching its Paris climate commitments, let alone the wider level of agreement needed to reduce CO2 emissions below the two degrees limit by the middle of the century.

Our energy system is going through the most rapid transformation in its history. It is going to be messy, complicated and littered with failures. It is going to cost more than it may have done had we guessed everything right at the start, and for decades there will be debates around this subject. But one thing is clear. Without hydrogen in transportation, there is no clear evidence that we can save our planet.

In 2003 to 2004, the UK government overwhelmingly backed the idea that Hydrogen would be a key fuel of the future. Like most new ideas, the hype came early and failed to deliver. In product innovation this is often the case. The dot.com boom was preceded by the explosion of the internet almost a decade later, with the worlds largest companies all being tech stocks. Electric vehicles themselves were considered the car of the future….in the 1900’s!! Yet it took over 100 years to become the new focus of policymakers hopes for a clean transportation future.

Hydrogen has had a lot of bad press, some of its deserved. But if we are serious about climate change, investors need to drop the cynicism and engage with the technology.

The politics beneath the noise

Whenever people ask me for my opinion of US politics at present, what always strikes me is how little is actually happening. While the press covers Trump’s regular tweets, public gaffes and the inevitable criticisms of his actions, the most interesting aspect of Trump’s presidency is how little in reality is happening.

Let’s start with the economy. While the US market certainly has been caught up in the “animal spirits” surrounding Trump’s proposed fiscal stimulus boost, few analysts have actually looked at how this would work in practise. For starters, Trump’s long expressed desire to boost US energy infrastructure is trapped in a permanent limbo until the number of FERC appointees rises from its present 2/5 to 3/5 or more. At present, the lack of a “quorum” for the US energy regulatory agency means that no energy projects can be approved at a federal level until a new appointee is selected and approved by the senate. That is still a long time away. Next consider how Federal fiscal stimulus actually works: The US federal government does not contract for infrastructure projects within states, rather the states themselves manage the process. Thus as most states are heavily indebted at present, it is highly questionable whether a large financial giveaway from the federal government would lead to increased infrastructure spending (it is far more likely the funds would be used to pay down debt). But beyond even the potential for a stimulus lies the more significant question of whether congress would even approve such a bill. With the Republican party still heavily influenced by the Tea Party, it certainly shouldn’t be assumed that tax cuts and increased spending is a given.

On healthcare, the picture is similar. While people expected a bonfire of medicare “repeal and replace” style, there have been no plans put to the public, the President or Congress that provide a clue about how Republicans will do this. Moreover, the few suggestions that have been raised are politically toxic with Republicans. These include aspects around Medicaid/medicare cuts and non-discrimination provisions (very popular with voters and hated by the US health insurance lobby). With the senate at 52-48 Republican, no democrat support for reform and division in the Republican House of Representatives. Reform here also seems unlikely.

Regarding defence, the Trump administration is remarkably consistent with previous administrations, including Obama. Additional military support in Iraq, statements of support to Japan and South Korea, Covert ops in the Arabian Peninsula and commitments to spend more on defence. So far, so Republican. Even on NATO, an area often attacked by Trump in his speeches and tweets, the actual messaging to Europe has been more focused on “we value NATO, but you need to pay more”. This again is hardly new. In fact, the last five Secretaries of defence (under Bush and Obama) have said the same thing publicly.

On law and social justice, the reality of what is happening is also far less controversial than the noise. The reforms to H1B visa are one example. While portrayed as a Trump attack on skilled labour, the area has been under review for years, with Obama considering raising the minimum required salary to $110,000 and Trump considering similar numbers. Even the delay in processing within 90 days, appears to be more a product of overworked government agencies than a specific anti-migrant move. Trump’s choice of Supreme Court nominee is also a good example. Despite the criticism in left wing circles, Neil Gorsuch was approved to his current position by a unanimous senate vote (including all Democrats) and was in fact a Bush Jnr era appointee. Moreover, Gorsuch is a replacement for a previously Republican supreme court position (he is even seen as a perfect model of the last figure), thus ensuring the balance in the court has barely shifted since Obama.

None of this is to say that the noise and tone of the Trump administration is not having a significant impact on America’s standing in the world and how people in America view themselves and their fellow citizens. However, it is striking how much focus and attention the tone and voice of a world leader receives, rather than the reality of what is happening on the ground.

A final observation I would share is how little resistance there is within the States to the actions of the President. While a number of states are certainly fighting specific actions, such as the travel ban executive order, there is a remarkable lack of strategy behind those who oppose Trump. For one thing, there is no meaningful discussion of candidates who could revive the Democrat party and provide a real leadership challenge to Trump. Nor is there any clear sign of a moderate Republican leader coming through the ranks. One challenge may be the desperate lack of new faces in both parties, but it is interesting that no US political figure seems like a ready replacement for the President. Interestingly as well, the momentum of protests appears to have petered out entirely. In Washington DC, the protest momentum after the inauguration seemed to be growing, but now there has been little to no real action. In part because, I suspect, there are few well organised and funded organisations that are able to sustain the momentum. Instead those in the nation who oppose Trump appear numb and subdued. A tragedy for democracy, and perhaps an answer to the question of whether Trump would seek a second term (and win).

Defending Ideologies

For about twenty years it seemed as though life was simpler. The European continent largely avoided any major wars, prosperity recovered after a series of economic challenges, the world become more multicultural, and technological innovations flourished. However, even then the signs of future challenges were clear. New ideas about how society should function were gaining popularity and nation states worried that their culture and identity were under threat by malign foreign influences.

If any of this sounds familiar, it shouldn’t. This was 1820-1840.

As human beings, we can be wonderfully contradictory. We praise tolerance and openness, yet criticize those whose views are widely divergent from our own. We talk about the need for businesses and governments to act on climate change, poverty and to promote fairness, yet criticise them when they raise taxes to do so. But perhaps the most interesting contradiction comes in how people react to the word ‘ideology’.

If you mention ideology today, the connotations are overwhelmingly negative. Those of a politically left wing orientation think of Fascism, Thatcherism and Capitalism. Those of a right-wing orientation think of Socialism, Communism and Protectionism. One thing both agree on however is that our society today is different. From the 90’s, people have professed that ideology is dead. From the famous “End of History” by Francis Fukiyama to the creation of “Third way” parties across the developed world, the impression our society has given is that the world is no longer governed by a fundamentalist set of ideas. Instead, people believe that our societies our governed by a scientific method.

According to this belief, the western world is governed by “what makes sense”, by “what is rational”, and by decisions based on “evidence”, not “emotion”. An alternative definition would be to say that our society is governed by pragmatism. The idea that decisions are (generally) made based on careful consideration of the evidence, accumulated by subject matter experts, reviewed against other considerations (such as budgets and the environment), before being implemented, often after an initial pilot project.

Against this backdrop its easy to see why China’s foreign policy, the election of Trump, the Brexit vote, the popularity of Le Pen, Geert Wilders and Putin all seems so scary to western societies. We have grown up thinking that decisions are only rational and therefore only plausible, if they pass a carefully assessed cost-benefit analysis. In this capacity, economists are the rock stars. As individuals who profess to quantify human behaviour into predictable patterns, the word of an economist is all-powerful. Uncertainty is the enemy of a rational, pragmatic based system of governance. It affects long term planning and it is difficult to respond to.

But while the intentions behind pragmatism are often noble, what the political leaders of today have forgotten is that belief in the scientific method, as a strategy for governance, is an ideology in and of itself. Even worse than that, it is a fundamentalist ideology that cannot answer the questions that fundamentally matter to society. To provide one good example, let’s look at international trade.

Free Trade is the perfect example of the strengths and limitation of the “Pragmatism” ideology. It is universally agreed by economists that free trade makes everyone better off. Free trade expands the combined economic pie, by allowing people to specialise and therefore work in the areas they are most efficient in relative to others. Moreover, the evidence proves that free trade expands a country’s economic pie over time. Seemingly therefore this is a clear win for pragmatism. Yet all over the world, hostility to free trade is fierce. For people of the Pragmatist ideology, the answer to why people are upset is easy: most people simply do not understand economics, they cannot get the bigger picture and they are easily misled by people with their own agendas. Safe behind these rhetorical defences, the pragmatists wistfully think of multilateral organisations that remove control over these policies from governments and some even muse about voting restrictions so that “only educated people can vote”. But they are wrong. It is not that the average voter is against free trade per se, or that they do not understand free trade. Rather, their opposition is rooted in the issue of who is benefiting from trade and who is not. It is these questions: of equity, of who should gain, of who should lose, and what compensation people should get, that pragmatism and the scientific method is totally unable to answer.

If you want to understand why seemingly “populist” parties are back in vogue today, then look no further than this. In a world which is rapidly changing, where new innovations and dynamic population shifts increasingly create new classes of winners and losers, the scientific method is painfully slow at providing the solutions people need. Pragmatism requires decision makers to be able to find the answers to problems, through studying a phenomenon and carefully analysing it. But that isn’t possible in a fast-changing world. Ironically enough, it’s not just voters who have realised that governance by pragmatic ideology is ineffective; it’s businesses too. It is no coincidence that companies like Facebook, Tesla, Amazon and Uber are riding high in the stock market and catching the interest of people across the world. It isn’t because they have all the answers, that they understand all the trends, or even that they have the best technology. Rather, they are run by people who have a clear vision of how they think the future should look. In short, they are run by people who have ideologies of their own.

Ideologies are an essential part of the human condition. Before the rise of literacy in the European middle classes, governance was driven by “pragmatic” considerations among the educated classes that subscribed to a set of beliefs prioritising stability and certainty over dynamism and volatility. The result was peace, but at the cost of dramatic human misery. It was the inability to govern according to an equitable set of ideas that led to the rise of socialism, liberalism, communism and nationalism. Without these four ideologies, the world would never have introduced basic human rights concepts into law, such as the right to a free trial, freedom of speech, basic workers’ rights, the right to healthcare, and education. The list goes on. Moreover, in contrast to a popular understanding of ideology, many nations would never have escaped serfdom and feudalist systems without nationalism. Nationalism was the driving force which allowed people to cross vast geographical and social divides, and to unite behind a common set of ideas. Without nationalism, it would have been impossible to break down many of the divides that existed between communities, even those separated by only a river.

None of this is to say that ideologies cannot cause immense human suffering. Clearly they can and have. However, ideologies are vital to our way of living precisely because they can answer the only questions in governance that really matter: is it equitable, is it fair, is it just and does it make people happy? The current obsession with governing by a pragmatic ideology is not only wrong, it’s dangerous. Dismissing people’s concerns simply because, in a purely rational world, the economic outcome of a policy is net positive, is not a credible way to govern. It was precisely this hubris that lost the remain campaign vote last year and which lost Hillary Clinton her presidential campaign. If those who define themselves as being politically centrist want to keep the world as it is and prevent the changes they see taking place around them, they need to understand this lesson. People are not machines; they are beings of emotion. If you cannot explain to someone why your system of governance is fair, why it is just and why it will make them happier, then you will not be able to govern.

Ideologies are back on the world stage. It is about time too.

 

“Brexit means Brexit” – a Translation

Following Prime Minister May’s speech on BREXIT, I have attempted to summarise and analyse the insights I have gleamed on the process over the last year below.

Immigration:

This has been one of the biggest areas of focus since BREXIT was announced, but we now have some clear outlines. First and foremost, the UK will not accept the EU’s freedom of movement, as it applies today. Instead it appears that the UK will offer its own equivalent of the American ESTA scheme, an online visa form which is approved quickly and lasts up to two years, for all EU nationals. This would mean that all European tourists, academics, artists and business people in would be able to visit the UK as easily as they can today, absent a 5 minute application online.  The second piece that we can say with a very high degree of certainty is that all EU nationals currently residing in the UK will be offered citizenship. Theresa May already offered this to the EU commission, in exchange for guaranteeing the rights of Britons living in the EU. We also know that the Home Office is pushing this approach as well. The costs and resources needed are extensive and frankly Theresa May’s government views this as an easy compromise that will encounter limited real resistance from within the UK or her party.

On work rights the picture now is also clearer. One school of thought is to create a skills based quota for each year and make it applicable for all global nationals, including the EU, which is in line with the US, Canada, Australia and other developed economies. This aims  to allow a quota of non-UK nationals to enter each year, provided they are sponsored by an employer. This is the approach championed by the Home Office under Amber Rudd (who previously supported Remain). The other option being proposed is to grant an automatic visa to any EU national who has a full-time job offer to work in the UK. This idea has been proposed by former foreign secretary William Hague. The ultimate choice is likely to be determined by the EU’s negotiating position. The automatic right to work, if an employer has made a full-time offer, allows the government to demonstrate that only “working migrants” are entering the UK, thus dispelling the pernicious lie that EU immigration is welfare driven. It also allows UK industry to recruit top talent across Europe, thus helping to address business fears about labour shortages in certain sectors (including the NHS). If implemented properly, this could even be a blueprint for the EU’s relationship with other future members, such as Turkey and Ukraine. However, if the EU appears to push for punishing exit terms and UKIP maintain the pressure on key Conservative seats, then the first option is more likely.

Foreign Policy and Security:

At this time there has been no suggestion that the UK wishes to change its cooperation with the EU at an international level. The UK has continued its increase in troop and materiel deployments to the Baltic states, and there are no signs of a thawing between the UK and Russia (unlike the USA). At the international level the EU often operates in a broader grouping that includes Canada, Australia and Norway at institutions such as the UN, World Bank and other multi-lateral agencies. It  appears clear that the UK will simply remain within this broader grouping, albeit with less influence on the EU’s ultimate position on issues than it previously held.

Amazingly the UK has not made any attempt to link security and NATO related issues to the terms of exit. This is despite a range of arguments that suggest the UK could leverage this angle, especially in light of the changing US position on NATO. While there have been early signs that the UK intends to expand its presence once again “East of Suez” and there have been discussions to re-open UK naval bases outside of Europe. However, given the UK’s limited manpower currently across the armed forces and its shrinking maritime presence, these recent moves appear to be more symbolic of a UK “open to the world” than a sign of significant redeployments to come.

Trade

While the Prime Minister has talked about staying in the customs union, it appears more likely that the UK will leave the EU single market and customs union. Given this outcome, the game will be about Tariffs, Equivalence and Regulation.

Let’s start with Tariffs. While there remain a number of technical issues to finalise, it appears certain that the UK will become an automatic WTO member, after its exit from the EU is completed. This membership ensures that both the UK and EU have strict limits imposed on the level of tariffs they can set on each other and when they can impose tariffs. To put into perspective the current WTO tariff levels, the tariff on cars between the USA and Europe is around 3%. For some areas the tariffs are higher, for example food, but as the UK is largely an importer of goods from the EU it is unlikely that the EU would want to impose large tariffs.

However, where the EU is likely to seek a clearer split with the UK will be around regulation and Equivalence. With an exit from the single market, the UK Financial services sector are likely to lose what are called “Passporting rights”, whereby UK firms can sell financial products directly to EU consumers and businesses without needing to have a local presence. What the net effect of this will be is unclear. The immediate answer will be that costs for all financial services companies in Europe will rise and the UK will lose some staff in areas like FX trading and clearing of some Euro denominated debt. Beyond that the picture is less clear. As the cost of regulation has increased since 1997, the Financial service sector has seen considerable consolidation, leaving Europe with a smaller group of larger companies than existed before the single market. As these players have operations all over the EU, it’s unclear whether firms couldn’t simply hire a staff member and a postal address in the EU to circumvent many concerns. This approach already exists to an extent within the EU today, as it allows companies like Facebook and Google to take advantage of different tax laws, see Luxembourg and Holland.

Again, the more positive outcome for both sides would be an agreement to keep all tariffs on goods at zero and to introduce “Equivalency”. This concept means that the UK financial services sector could sell goods into Europe, like a firm based in Europe, but they would be subject to EU regulation and EU courts. Moreover, the UK would have no influence on EU regulations and firms in the UK could be prevented from doing business in Europe if they did not match EU standards.

On the broader international trade piece, it looks as though the UK priority list will be the USA, followed by Canada, Australia and New Zealand. I would also add, though it hasn’t been mentioned, that Japan would likely be high on that list too. Japan is a large investor in the UK and moreover, the UK and Japan have few sectors of extreme competition, with the UK unlikely to threaten Japan’s agriculture or electronics manufacturing, while Japan poses few threats to the UK services sector. The UK would likely use templates from the failed US-EU trade talks as the basis of terms with the US (50% of all US gains from TTIP were due to come from greater access to the UK anyway) and the UK is likely to use the current EU-Canada trade deal as its template as well.

Closing Comments:

The BREXIT process is subject to a huge amount of political brinkmanship. Should moderate EU parties do well in elections, the global economy accelerates, Theresa May remains popular in the country and Trump remains largely focused outside of Europe, then political leaders should have the breathing space to craft a reasonable and fair deal. If, however, Russia and the US increase pressure on Europe, the migrant deal with Turkey collapses and populists are successful in EU elections, a fortress mentality may set in. The EU, despite its challenges, remains extremely popular in Europe. For this reason I continue to believe that if the survival of the EU becomes more threatened, we are likely to see a youth led backlash in favour of greater EU integration.

The EU is, in the words of Romano Prodi “an unfinished project” and Europeans know this. Thus, how BREXIT plays out is not simply a story that can be told in isolation, rather, BREXIT is also the story of the European Union. Will it become what its fathers dreamed of, a full political union of nations, or will it unwind to an early form. Time will tell.

Thoughts for the year – 2017

While many will have breathed a sigh of relief on the 1st of January that 2016 is over, the consequences of last year will continue to define this one. Firstly, we shall see what effect the far right electoral successes and Russian electoral interference in 2016 will have on European general elections. Alongside these events we will also receive further details on Mrs May’s plan for the Brexit negotiations in March, and by the mid-year, we will know whether the “Trump boost” which has lifted global equity markets and triggered a selloff in fixed income assets, will have been justified.

But 2017 is likely to be a tale of two halves. Political paralysis in the USA and Europe has hindered economic growth and encouraged extremely cautious investment strategies. Thus, the consequences of the political choices which Europe and the incoming Trump administration will have to make in early 2017, will provide markets, businesses and other stakeholders with a clearer sense of travel for the world’s largest consumer economies. The second half of the year will then revolve around how the rest of the world responds to these decisions.

If confidence in the economic growth of the US economy continues to rise, and subsequently leads to the projected three rate hikes by the Fed, then the US dollar will continue to appreciate, causing a flight of capital out of European and Emerging Market asset classes (whether they be equities or fixed income). This will cripple companies in the developing world who have large US dollar denominated debt, even if governments in regions like Asia will be better insulated from the effects this time than during the Asian Financial crisis in 1997. Moreover, if the dollar appreciation leads to a widening of the US trade deficit, as witnessed during the Reagan years in the 1980’s, we would expect to see greater emphasis on an “America First” trade policy. The rhetoric and responses to President Elect Trump’s tweets on Trade, already indicate that this may be the course of action.

Though these comments may seem overly financial, their wider societal implications are enormous. If investors see greater returns in US markets, alongside greater political instability in other global markets, then access to finance will become constrained across the developing (and perhaps even developed) world. This comes at a time when global investment in infrastructure remains well below the estimated requirements by the world’s leading international financial institutions, such as the World Bank, ADB, African Development Bank and Inter-American Development Bank. To put figures to this effect, it is estimated that Asia needs to spend between US $2-3 trillion a year on infrastructure. The figure to date is roughly US $1trn, or 50% of that required. Elsewhere in the world, notable Africa, the figure is even lower. Such infrastructure includes basic goods such as hospitals, schools, roads and power generation assets. Without the ability of governments to finance and provide these goods, then societal frustrations with consistently poor living standards may lead to greater political unrest and support for populist parties. This is especially concerning in countries that are still experiencing large population booms and who have a growing, young population that need economic growth to find jobs.

Moreover, as the value of the US dollar rises, oil producers who have operational costs in domestic currencies, will see increased financial returns. This will help alleviate some pressure on the balance sheets of oil dependant governments, but it will also increase the real cost of oil for citizens and businesses in emerging and developed markets (oil globally is priced in dollars, so a rise in the dollar v.s. other currencies will increase the cost of fuel for consumers).

Looking beyond the potential areas of concern, there are areas where optimism is warranted. In 2016 investment in Renewable Energy overtook investment in fossil fuel based power generation for the first time since the start of the industrial revolution. In 2017 this trend will only accelerate. The UAE has already committed, in the first week of 2017, to spending US $163bn to provide 50% of its power from Renewables by 2050. Others will continue to follow. Moreover, electric car growth will continue to expand, fuelled by government incentive schemes and the launch of several new car models, such as the newest Tesla vehicles, directly targeted at middle income families and competitively priced (though government subsidy support will still remain crucial). In science, we may also see a breakthrough cancer drug brought into final stages by AstraZeneca by the end of 2017, as well as several major space launches and satellite passes of earths neighbours in our solar system.

As a student studying the world from an ivory tower in Washington DC it is easy to get lost in the noise of the world. But the one prediction for 2017 that I can make with certainty is not a macro level prediction, it is a micro one. Despite all the concerns and hysteria that the press will cover in the next year I remain convinced that the vast majority of people in the world will experience few changes to their daily lives as a direct consequence of the headline grabbing events. In fact, the biggest question in 2017 is whether despite all these huge events occurring around us, people will become more engaged politically at all.

In November 2016 I had the privilege to stand outside the White House after the election results had arrived. In a large student city, which voted overwhelmingly Democrat, in an election where Trump was (and is) described as a threat to the very nature of the American political system itself, there were more journalists present than protestors. Nor did DC see many protestors or rallies of significant size in the weeks after the result. In the UK too, after Brexit the protests were few (if any) and the rallies were poorly attended (if held). All this in a country where 1 million people marched to prevent fox hunting from being banned in 2005. Thus one question for 2017, that I hope to see answered, is whether this year of change is also a year of political awakening for the generations of citizens who have been sleeping for the last two decades.

Time will tell!